What are we doing in China?

Dublin Core


What are we doing in China?


Politics and Government - Military; China - U.S. Foreign Policy; Chinese Communit Party; CCP; Sino-Japanese War; World War II


Joseph North explains US intervention in China during the Sino-Japanese War. Transcript of the pamphlet appears below.

About the Author 3 JOSEPHN ORTHt, h e author of this pamphlet, is the Editor of New Masses, political and cultural weekly magazine, in which he conducts a column, " I Give You My Word." Newspaperman and foreign correspondent for many years, he covered the heroic war of the Spanish people against t fascist Franco- Hitler- Mussolini intervention, and travelled through France, Germany and England shortly after V- E Day. He is the author of numerous pamphlets, and a distinguished lecturer and political analyst. Published by NEW CENTURY PUBLISHERS, 832 Broadway, N. Y. 3, N. Y. PRINTED XN U. S. A. What Are oing IB CHINA? NEW CENTURY PUBLISHERS New York American boys are dying in China tod after V- J Day. Why? You who read this may be the parent, of a boy who hasn't returned & om th begun to wonder if he ever will come back. his fate will be an unmarked grave on a dist plain, killed in a war that isn't his, dea want to fight. Every news cable flashed across the Pacific mocks th news that set you dancing and parading on Main Street or on Broadway a few short months ago. It was all over, we were told. But is it? You are asking why our boys are dying in China, why our armies are marching on Chinese soil, our tanks rolling across Chinese plains, our fleet prowl-ing in Chinese waters. You read with horror that our planes have strafed Chinese villages. Why? What sense does it make? As this is written we read that American planes are be-ing ferried in hysterical haste to Chiang Kai- shek. The press on November 27 told us " some 700 fighters and trans-ports are involved in one of the greatest mass flights of the China- Burma- India theater- in such miserable weather that in one hop from Kunming to the Shanghai area twenty- two P51' s encountered a terrific weather front and there were eleven crashes." 5 # Was the life of your youngster snuffed out in that wreck-age somewhere on a Chinese crag while you were awaiting him home for Christmas? The cables told more: " Loss of American lives in such a postwar operation is clearly hard on the temper of Yanks who are debating angrily whether they ought to be risking their lives three months after the end . of the war? Our entire nation is " debating angrily." You hear the question argued hotly in every barracks by our outraged, homesick men. Millions of them still quartered in their far- flung Asiatic outposts, questioning where the ships are that will bring them home. " Home by Christmas" has become a bitter jest on their lips. And our people see eye to eye with the soldier quoted in the press December 1: " We are a pretty sad bunch of fellows here now. . . . We hear news reports daily over the radio about the Chinese war and the United States intention of staying out. We know now that our own country lies. . . .' I Grim words from a patriot who went unhesitatingly to face the enemy for us. His words must be carefully heeded, gravely con-sidered. When the war ended and V- J Day came, they told our G I . he would be home in a few weeks, a couple of months at most. Now he feels sold out, betrayed. It is easy to see why. Diary of a Double Cross G. 1. Joe remembers what General Wedemeyer said in early August: *' My mission to China is to contain, divert and kill Japanese, and to assist the Chinese to accom~ lishth ese purposes. No American personnel, no American resources under my control, should be employed against Chinese ex-cept to protect American personnel and American prop erty. If it becomes apparent that the deployment of Ameri- 6 can personnel is cofitributing to fratricidal WarJ I'll do my best to prevent it." And G. I. Joe remembers what the general said shortly afterwards: " US. troops will not intewene directly in the Chinese civil war because traditional U. S. policy holds that other nations shall be permitted to choose their own form of government without irztewention." But then in September, General Wedemeyer began a right- about face: " There is no doubt that the turn of events in an area ambracing half the world's population must in-evitably affect our country- economically, ~ sy~ hologically~ and perhaps militarily." Perhaps militarily! The general had changed his tune and for ample reason. The news had leaked out in such A dimensions, that his previous stories no longer held water. Murder will out, and the general had to prepare the Ameri-can people for many bitter facts. For the truth was that we had been intervening militarily for many months. Even while the general was making the above statements, planes and ships under his command were transporting Chiang Kai- shek's troops not only to the North China front but into Inner Mongolia where armed conflicts between the Kuomintang and the democratic armies led by the Com-munists were already flaring. We had managed to see to it that the " turn of events" in China General Wedemeyer mentioned were moving in the direction our authorities sought- in the direction of civil war. For the democratic, anti- fascist Yenan government that Chiang is determined to destroy, had warned us as far back as June that the Kuomintang troops were using our lend-lease material in warfare against them. And on August 8, General Yeh Chien Ying, chief of staff of the heroic Chinese Eighteenth Army group, supplied the world with the serial numbers on machine guns manufactured by the 7 , u United States Defense Supply Corporatidn, of New Haven, Conn., and on semi- automatic rifles made by the Inland Manufacturing Division of General Motors~ arms his troops had captured from the Kuomintang aggressors* On August 17 General Wedemeyer replied that de-livery of lend- lease equipment to Chiang would cease with Japan's surrender. On September 27 we learned from the New York Times that " negotiations" were proceeding for the sale of U. S. Army surplus property to Chiang valued at $ 150,000,000. The Times also said: " The Chinese [ the Kuomintang government} w a ~ nto t only armed surplus in China but also suf$ lies in India and in the Pacific area. The property in the Burma theater alone was valued at half a billion dhllars." ( The seven hundred planes flying hom Burma are clearly part of this deal.) Then we learned that U. S. troops will continue to train and advise Chinese Kuomintang army units. Then Gen-eral Wedemeyer admitted that the U. S. A. will maintain 6,000 army troops and 53,000 marines in China " to help Chiang in the postwar period." Then we discovered that General Chennault would return to China to train the Kuomintang air force. Then, on October 24, we were told that thirty- nine U. S. trained and equipped divisions will stand at Chiang's disposal '' in the event China's political strife boils into civil war." But of course no authority dared tell us the truth: that we encouraged a policy of civil war in China; we helped light the fires to guarantee that China's political strife " would boil into civil war." The truth is that we were, and are intervening against the Chinese people who, in their overwhelming majority, aspire to end the terroristic dictatorial rule of Chiang's Kuomintang. How else can Mr. Byrnes explain away the following facts: he has told us that 60,000 American marines are in 8 North China today t our marines landed far £ ro the center of the jaPanese struggle in North China. Our troops held these areas until Chiang's armies arrived; and when they got there they did not dis-arm the Japanese but rushed them against the Chinese Eighth Route Army. ( That army did a splendid job against our common enemy, the Japanese, throughout the war.) Our troops, were set to guard Chiang's lines of com-munications, and Americans were put to work controlling railroads side by side with Japanese troops! These facts give the lie to Secretary Byrnes' shameful statement tha our troops are in China to " implement the terms of Japan' surrender . . . to disarm and to repatriate the Japanese armies in compliance to a promise made authorities last August 16." The truth is that our troops are in Ch destroy the democratic movement of the and to enable the Kuomintang to re- establ rule over the country. That was Patrick Hurley's wor there. His policy was intervention on Chiang's side at a crucial moment in China's. history. Negotiations were proceeding between Chiang and the Communists for na-tional unity, the establishment of democracy and a bet way of life for China's 400,000,000. General Stilwell a former Ambassador Clarence Gauss had been working t ward that goal before V- J Day. They knew that Chiang was storing the arms he got from us for use in civil war; they knew that the Generalissimo was withholding his troops from action, while the democratic armies and guer-rillas led by the Communists did the fighting. StilwelI favored giving arms to all who would fight the Japanese thereby hastening the day of victory and saving the live of thousands of Americans. He and Gauss had sought to carny out Roosevelt's policies aimed toward liberalizing 9 the Chiang Kai- shek government for the common good of the war effort. Then Hurley came into the picture: General Stilwell and Ambassador Gauss resigned rather than be accessories to Chiang Kai- shek's policies. Stilwell and Gauss knew the comparative war records of the Kuomintang forces and the democratic armies led by the Yenan government, a good basis upon which to judge . our friends and our ene-mies. The contrast between the Kuomintang " contri-bution'' and that of the democratic armies demands con-sideration. As Congressman Hugh De Lacy indicated in the House a few days ago: the democratic armies led by the Commu-nists freed thirty- one per cent of the total Chinese areas that had been captured by the Japanese. They freed 94 mil-lion people, or 37 per cent of all who had fallen unqer the invader's heel. They had lost 446,336 soldiers by the end of 1944. They wiped out 1,360,000 Japanese and their quisling puppet troops. They accounted for three Japanese for every man they lost. And due to their demo-cratic policies, the people's armies led by the Communists had grown £ ro 100,000 in 1937 to over 900,000 regulars and 2,200,000 militiamen by V- J Day. We must also remember that thirty- one per cent of this liberated territory was organized into nineteen democrati-cally governed areas, from the Manchurian and Mongolian borders, through northern, central and southern China, to the island of Hainan off the coast of Indo- China. What Chiang dreams of ( and present American policy is to see that his dreams are realized) is to oust the demo-cratic Chinese from these liberated areas and to smah the social, economic and political progress that had been achieved there. That is the rock- bottom meaning of our intervention. This lies behind our unctuous words of 10 helping Chiang disarm the surrendered Japanese armies. We are sending our troops into Liberated Areas to hand I these territories over to Chiang whose troops never fought for them. I Needless to say, so * shameful a policy could not be re- 1 vealed to the American people. So our authorities have II masked their deeds with the fairest of words. In fact, the imperialists of America always utter high- sounding phrases, quote the Bible, when they embark on the dirtiest deeds. 1 The authorities at first sought to allay our fears and sus-picions. They wanted time to get their dirty work under way. They feared an explosion of protest from our free-dom- loving, fair- minded American people. So we were to be led down the garden path gently. But murder will out. Now former Ambassador Patrick Hurley, in his astoundingly revealing letter of resignation has confessed the dire, anti- democratic, imperialistic, anti- Soviet conspiracy in which he and his warmongering ac-complices in Republican circles and within the Adminis-ration are engaged. Why We Intervene Our Administration is doing this dirty work on behalf of a clique of greedy imperialists in our country who pre-fer China divided against itself, weak, semi- colonial, so that it would do the bidding of such concerns as Standard Oil. Remember that former Ambassador Hurley is a big oil nian. He was a friend of Edward Doheny, of the Teapot Dome oil scandal: a demand has been raised in congess to incestigate the charge that he is on Standard Oil's pay-roll to the tune of $ 75,000 a year. A marine in a North China town sums it UD in a letter to his wife that was quoted in the. press Secember 2: " Things are back to ' normar here, with the news that 26 11 Standard Oil men are in town and ready to take up their duties. They arrived here today; now the last piece of the jigsaw puzzle is in place. The boys are passing sarcastic remarks about ' whose property' they are here to protect." Our Administration is operating on behalf of America's war- enriched bankers and industrialists hungry to grab control, domination, of every part of the world. Further-more, they want China under our control so that they can use it as a base against the Soviet Union in the Far East. This is the Far Eastern reflection of American imperial-ism's world- wide d If this grains of rice daily ( the lowest living standard in th world). The want unbridled license to con tinue their fabulous traffic and the bankers want untram meled profits. Democracy would hinder all this. Four thousand years the Chinese peasants have tilled t rich lands of the great landlords who rob them of 60 to per cent of their fruits, perpetuate their poverty, kee them in misery and ignorance. These landlords, me chants and bankers govern the Kuomintang regime. ~ t was not always so. Under the leadership of Dr. Su Yat- sen the KuomintUig originally was formed to crea unity in the country for independence and the establis merit of democracy, Dr. Sun sought to lift China fro its weak, semi- coloni~ l, d ivided state. In 1924 the basi for that national unification was established through the unity of Kuomintang and Communist. China made strides against the and toward the betterment of the peoples9 lot. ~~ t in 1927 Chiang sold out, courted SUP- 13 port from the imperialist nations, incorporated the big landowners, bankers and merchants as his base of support, and instituted an unprecedented reign of terror that- cost the lives of millions of democrats, particularly the Commu-nists. Since that time, except for brief intervals, he has sought to strengthen the Kuomin tang dictatorship against all democratic forces. Fearful that the Japanese invader would rob them of everything, the Kuomintang became anti- Japanese, but only passively so; more fearful of the growth of democracy at home, it continued actively anti- democratic. But demo-cratic China, mobilized and led by the Communists, fought a heroic, epic fight. Chiang regarded the democratic forces led by the Communists as his " No. 1 Enemy" and the Japa-nese as the " No. 2" enemy. Throughout the resistance, he plotted large- scale civil war; kept his best- armed troops, over half- a- million, in readiness to suppress the people's democratic movement with steel, torture and death. He withheld arms and even medical supplies from the armies that battled the invader from every tree and from every hillside. He kept most of the material he got from us for purposes of the civil war he planned against the Chinese democrats. He governed the Kuomin tang- ruled areas with blood and steel, clamped down a dictatorship. In his areas, traditionally the richest productive centers ¥ o China, the bulk of the produce went into the hands of the Kuomintang authorities and traders while the soldiers starved. Scandalous war profiteering by officials, a lucra-tive black market business, vast corruption, earmarked the Kuomintang- controlled areas. This violated the patriotic spirit of the Chinese people and Chiang's troops. As a consequence the Kuomintang armies shrunk to half their former size, lost their morale. Chiang's government created a wide gulf between itself and 14 the people. A serious crisis of poverty, discontent and re-volt resulted in the Chungking- controlled areas. And remember this: nobody ever elected the Kuomin-tang regime. There has never been, outside of the Yenan Border Region and the Liberated Areas, a popular election in all China's history. Chiang climbed to power as a mili-tary figure; the people never chose him. Yet it should be understood that the democratic upsurge within China is so strong that it affects even some portions of the Kuomintang, which is not a unified party by any means. Great dissatisfaction can be found in its armed forces and in its various government, economic and cul-tural organizations. Scores of millions of Chinese have contrasted the Kuo-mintang- controlled areas and the democratic areas led by the Communists, and have come to significant conclusions. Our authorities fear those conclusions, which favor democ-racy and cooperation with the strongest democratic force in China today- the Communists. What China's Communists Want What do the Communists want? Let Mao Tse- tung, the head of the Communist Party tell you. He said in an ad-dress before its Central Committee earlier this year: " We want to build, after annihilating the Japanese ag-gressors, a form of state based upon the overwhelming ma-jority of the people, on the united front and the coalition of democratic parties and groups." The pattern for this can be found in the Liberated Areas and in the Yenan Border Region where democratic coali-tion exists, instituted by the Communist Party. There the governing bodies are chosen by the electorate and re-flect the composition of the populace. A wide variety of writers have attested to these facts; their books and 15 dispatches have been appearing for several years, and their first- hand testimony is available for anybody who seeks truth. They include Harrison Forman, Gunther Stein, Ilona Ralf Sues, Edgar Snow, and certain correspondents of the New York Times and New York Herald Tribune who visited the Yenan region last year. Reforms have been instituted to improve the living conditions of the people; land rents have been reduced by twenty- five per cent; cooperatives have been formed and the govern-ment seeks to guide the people toward higher standards, and to protect their democratic way of life. In essence, the program is to win human dignity for the people. r This program has earned the enthusiastic support of the 100,000,000 people who live in areas liberated by the peo-ple's armies led by Communists. Though the Chinese Communists proudly admit their ultimate socialist goals, they state clearly that socialism is not the issue today. The issue is the creation of a modern, democratic state. Tung Pi- wu, Chinese Communist leader, summed it up thus: " The basic character of the fighting, people's economy is capitalism of a new democratic type. It recognizes private ownership and private gains, but economic endeavors are guided along cooperative and public channels as far as possible to increase the efficiency as well as to assure a fair distribution of social income so that more and more human energy may be saved for higher social- economic develop-ment, and China may thus become eventually a democrati-cally industrialized nation." The Communists have won widespread support as cham-pions of the democratic upsurge in China. The vast ma-jority despise feudalism and the pro- fascist Kuomintang dictatorship. Unfortunately, outside the Border Region of Yenan and the Liberated Areas, the people dare mani-fest their desires only at ris not merely one gestapo setup in operation: three terroris-tic, secret organizations work to stamp out democracy by torture, imprisonment and death. Despite this, the yearning for democracy is so power that within Chiang's areas six democratic political par exist. They are known as the Democratic League an range from conservative to progressive: all advocate a na tional democratic unity that includes the Communists Such figures as Madame Sun Yat- sen, Sun Fo and Genera Feng Yu- hsiang openly support national unity. Nor are they all: millions of Chinese, in addition to thos in the various parties, want peace and national unity. Re cent dispatches tell of student demonstrations in the Kuom intang- controlled area of Kunming which were fired upo by Chiang's gendarmes. Here are revealing extracts fro an open letter to Americans adopted at one such " We can never forget your help in defeating the Japane fascists. But if you now join with the instigators of the civi war, even though against your own will, you will lose t friendship of the Chinese people." ( New York Tim December 13, 1945.) The Communists have sought unity of their nation through ne mintang. Such discussions have months. The Communists have make the necessary concessions b because the Kuomintang never genuinely favored unit or democracy. Chiang has tried, in these negotiations, trick the Communists into surrendering their armies an their political strength in order to bolster the Kuomin dictatorship. The Communists were ready to make cessions but demanded that the Kuomintang prove goo faith by removing the principal barriers to democracy. The 17 Communists have urged the following conditions for suc-cessful negotiations: the release of all anti- fascist political prisoners; the withdrawal of all troops blockading the Bor-der Region and the cessation of attacks upon the demo-cratic armies; the elimination of restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, press and association; the abolition of the secret police. Do these seem onerous conditions for successful nego-tiations? What democrat can deny their logic and justice? But Chiang will never concede so long as the policies of Patrick Hurley, Secretary Byrnes and President Truman remain what they are today. The truth is that had we not intervened Chiang would have been obliged to yield in the direction of unity and democracy, away from civil war. His position had been weakened during the war because of widespread knowl-edge of his government's corruption and inefficiency. The democratic forces of China, leagued with the Communists, would have forced Chiang's hand. But Ambassador Hurley, carrying out American impe-rialist policy, decreed otherwise. Conniving behind the scenes, he encouraged Chiang to renege on prior agree-ments made with the Communists, and the dictator em-barked upon a course leading to widespread civil war-backed by our arms. This is what Hurley achieved in China. Where America Stands Today At this point it behooves us to examine our policy further, and to evaluate its full implications. Several days ago six members of Congress introduced a resolution de-manding that our troops be taken out of China imme-diately. They are Reps. Hugh De Lacy, John M. Coffee, Charles R. Savage, of Washington, Ellis E. Patterson, Ned 18 R. Healy and Helen Gahagan Douglas, of California. They said: " Our armed intervention is blocking the develop-ment of China and creating the conditions for another great war." They tore into Patrick Hurley's policy. The next day Hurley resigned his ambassadorship and issued a statement that has brought the Chinese issue to a head. Hurley had consistently sought to commit the administration to an all-out, 100 per cent naked aggression in China instead of the relatively " slow" pace ( as he saw it) of our govern- ment's interven e concentrated his attack upon professional " ca " in our State Department who had sought to carry out the Roosevelt policy in China. But he reserved words of praise for President Truman and Secretary Byrnes. His differences, he indicated, were not with the latter but with those who favored the unifica-tion of China toward the goal of democracy and economic betterment. Like all pro- fascists, Hurley flung the word " Communist"- the word he hates most- at anybody who differs with him, a device of the late Joseph Goebbels. The forces of democracy in China were all " Communist" and anybody who favored cooperation with all democratic groupings in China were " pro- Communist." As Rep. De Lacy said, " Japan also argued it was inter-vening in China against ' Communism.' After all the blood that has flowed since Pearl Harbor we will not now be fooled to dress military conquest in the shopworn gar-ments of anti- Communism." Because Hurley's policy has not. gone well with the American people, he resigned- clearly a victory for all who favor a unified, peaceful, democratic China. Millions of Americans have been expressing their anger, their disagree-ment with the Hurley policies; telegrams, letters, expres-sions of protest were flooding our authorities in Washing-ton. And our people wanted our boys back from the Pacific, from China, as quickly as possible. Hence Hurley's bit-ter blasts in the press and before the Senate Committee that seek to divert attention from himself. As one Con-gressman put it: " Hurley is trying to put somebody else on trial when actually it is Hurley who is on trial." But there is nothing at this time to indicate that the Truman Administration has changed its present Chinese policy. On the contrary, its designs remain crassly impe-rialistic, and inimical to all the agreements signed to pre-vent World War 111. It is continuin? the Big Stick pol-icy expressed by President Truman o n ~ a~ v ~ a In~ . cated with the power of the atom bomb, the Presi has forsaken the policy which elected Roosevelt and him-self, the policy of Big Three he United State Great Britain and the Soviet a lasting peace. The Administr s committed itself to an anti- Soviet policy, is ren the Potsdam and Teheran agreements, and is e anti- Soviet coalition. As the six Representatives mentioned abo " If America continues to lend its great Po tablishing of anti- Communist bases i n Nort will have its own logic. That logic is the logic of the most reactionary of American big- businessmen wanting unre-stricted exploitation of Asia. It is the logic of dollar im-perialism. . It is the logic of a new world war, this time against the Soviet Union, launched from great bases in the Pacific, from a Japan whose militarists we have not yet rooted out, from anti- Communist bases in North China." This is the complete, dreadful logic of our present policy in China. And for this reason the American people must demand the removal of Secretary of State Byrnes who shares full guilt with ex- Ambassador Hurley. Byrnes must go as a step to force our government's return to the course avowed by the late President Roosevelt- the cooperation of nations, the furtherance of world- wide democracy, th continuance of Big Three unity within the United Nations. This course guarantees the right of self- determination of nations; it is in our national interest and it is the desire of our people. This course would genuinely make friends of Asia's bil-lion people who view our present actions with alarm and growing hatred. It would aid China become a truly demo- 01 cratic, industrial democracy which, in turn, would help America tremendously as a vast, friendly market and a part-ner for security and democracy in the Far East and through-out the world. We know the vast majority of Americans favor this course. Their overwhelming desire for it forces its reflection into some of our press, in addition to the labor and Communist journals of the country. You find it, for instance, in such a publication as the Buffalo Evening News which said editorially November 13: " It was an insignificant incident and it happened on the other side of the world. But those who sit in the seats of the mighty in Whitehall and Washington had better take note of the refusal of the crew of the British troopship Moreton Bay to sail from Sidney with 1,600 Dutch troops being sent to suppress the Indonesian Republic. " It was only four years ago that President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill proclaimed the Atlantic Charter with its four freedoms. It is no part of the duty of our great democracies to suppress a struggle for Javanese indepen-dence; nor are we commissioned to lend our ships or sol-diers to sustain the p ower- hungry autocrats of C hungking against the agrarian reformers of Yenan. " The British sailors in Sydney Harbor spoke for the com-mon man in America as well as the British Common-wealth when they shouted, ' Hands off Java.' We want no hand in re- shackling colonial millions whose offense has been that they hoped we meant our wartime promises. Liberty must be more than a word and hope deferred maketh the heart sick." That expression reflects the feelings of all honest, demo-cratic Americans. Let it be a warning to President Truman who cannot escape central responsibility for our criminal policy. 22 The Communist Party of the U. S. A. has consistently campaigned for a program that would win the peace as well as the anti- fascist war. Twelve thousand of its mem-bers went to the fronts ready to give everything for these goals. To ensure them it urges the American people, and labor in the first place, to turn every energy toward re-establishing President Roosevelt's policy toward China. It urges the formation of the broadest, anti- f ascis t, democratic front for these purposes. Immediately, the Communist Party has determined to hold 500 demonstrations throughout the land for this pur-pose, and it urges all freedom- loving Americans to join in a powerful, nation- wide campaign of demonstrations, meetings, telegrams and letters to our State Department and to President Truman, proposing: 1. That our troops be immediately removed from China. 2. That we halt all shipments of material to the Kub-mintang which clearly is using them for civil war against the democratic forces of China led by the Communists. , 3. That the question of China, as of all other intema-tional issues be resolved by Big Three and Big Five unity, pursuing the spirit of the agreements of Potsdam and Yalta. The course of history can still be effected toward world cooperation and lasting peace. But it requires militant, unified action. It requires selfless devotion, the spirit in which so many brave Americans and soldiers of the United Nations died. Only in this way can our American parents, wives, sweethearts get their boys home from the fronts ly, to help us create a post- war world pursuing the of prosperity and peace. ut the hour is late and there is no time to lose. NEW P U B L I C A T I O N S America at the Crossroads: Postwar Problems and Communist Policy, by Eugene Dennis . . .$. I0 The Fight for a New China, by Mao Tse- tung . . .2 5 rn Enemies of the Peace: Profile of the ' Hate- Russiat an^, . b y Sender Garlin . . . . . . . I0 The Rankin Witch Hunt, by William Z. Foster. . .03 What Russia Did for Victory, by Sergei Kournakoff .25 The Menace of American Imperialism, by William 2. Foster; Why America Needs the Communist Party, by Eugene Dennis . . . . . . .0 5 , The Strike Situation and Organized Labor's Wage and Job Strategy, by William Z. Foster. . . .0 5 British Soldier in India: The Letters of Clive Bransom .40 Jews in American History: 1654- 1 860, by Philip Foner .35 William Cullen Bryant: Selections from His Poetry and Prose, edited with an introductory essay, by Samuel Sillen . . . . . . . . . .3 5 The Treatment of Defeated Germany, by V. J. Jerome .35 I NEW CENTURY PUBLISHERS 832 Broadway. New York 3. N. Y.


North, Joseph


New York : New Century Publishers




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China - Republic of China 1911 - 1949

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23 p. : ill. ; 19 cm.




North, Joseph, “What are we doing in China?,” ASIANetwork IDEAS Project, accessed February 26, 2024, https://ideasproject.org/items/show/1362.